The "punishment" for failing to apply for such a Certificate would have been imprisonment up to five years or a fine, or both. Please help keep us informed; if you are aware of pending initiatives, write to ICNL at ngomonitor icnl.
The international media and the Burmese-run journals have printed memorials and analyses of the political situation in Myanmar one year post-Nargis. Up until now, the international media has painted a predisposed and regrettably misleading portrait of relief and humanitarian assistance in the Irawaddy Delta in the past year.
That said, there have been many severe stumbling blocks, and in general there are many limitations to humanitarian work in Myanmar. Notably, in the first month after the storm hit, the government blocked access to the Delta, and was wary of international aid.
The accommodation and cooperation post-Nargis on the part of the regime in Naypyidaw is unprecedented. As such, it needs to be built upon.
Regrettably, exiled Burmese pro-democracy based in locations such as the Thai-Burma border and United States, have campaigned for a moratorium on humanitarian assistance to Myanmar in line with the sanctions policy against Myanmar enacted by the U.
Some lobbyists claim that any UN agency or INGO that acts in Myanmar is complicit with the controlling regime and contributes to its hold on power.
This is simply not the situation. If one is concerned with the human rights of people living in Myanmar, suggesting a cessation of apolitical development aid is counterintuitive.
Voices from the Delta, which can be found here. At worst, it is potentially damaging.
The report uses questionable methodology and paints a misleading and poorly contextualised picture that the present state of affairs in the Delta involves forced labour, confiscated relief supplies, and systematic obstruction of humanitarian action.
It is well worth reading, in order to get a balanced and accurate view of the realities of the humanitarian situation in Burma post-Nargis. The 21 INGOs state the following: We found a number of shortcomings in the report, including its premise, methodology, and most of its findings. Cynthia Maung, as well as Dr.
While a full-scale discussion of the letter is outside the scope of this short article, a look into it is an interesting exercise into the politics and emotions that arise from the divisions between the exiled communities in the Burmese diaspora and those who live in and can access Myanmar.
How can this be justified when Myanmar is one of the poorest countries in the world, let alone Asia? The picture is certainly not perfect.
There are intensive limitations on what INGOs are allowed to do in Myanmar, and in order to provide disaster relief there are still intensively over-bureaucratic and clumsy procedures. However, INGOs themselves are reporting that the government is cooperating better than it ever has in the past, and it seems that one year on, the international community and the media, is starting to recognise what the stakeholders have been saying.
An interview with the Country Director of Save the Children in Myanmar points towards the general feeling. When asked what difficulties and restrictions his organisation faced in delivering aid in the Delta, Andrew Kirkwood responds that the biggest challenges Save the Children faces are logistical; the difficulties and dangers of reaching villages only by small boats, navigating the tides and the weather of the Delta.
Note that visa restrictions, travel restrictions, and the government stealing supplies, are nowhere to be found on his list. The international community, including the media and exiled Burmese, should be encouraging this rather than obstructing progress with misleading reports such as After the Storm.
If not, there is the possibility of a complete breakdown in the improvements. It is possible that this is already starting to happen. In the past few weeks, there have been numerous signals that the government is starting to wane on its commitments.
Some of the initial speculation came true — it seems that this was a signal from the Government of Myanmar that they were going to begin to revert to tightening limitations on international aid delivery. In the past few weeks, UN staff and NGO aid workers have been facing severe difficulties in obtaining work visas to enter Myanmar, with many being stuck outside the country after the Thingyan holiday.
It remains to be seen what the outcome will be for the bigger picture in terms of politics in Myanmar. The next few months will be crucial; the Obama administration is reconsidering their Burma strategy, and the Government of Myanmar is expected to announce the details of its planned national election.
Dylan Grey lives in Yangon.The ancient city of Bagan is located in Mandalay Division and is home to over 2, pagodas and temples.
The majority of the buildings were built during the 11th to 13th centuries when Bagan was the capital of the Burmese Empire. _On Friday May 2, , Cyclone Nargis first touched land at peak strength near the mouth of the Irrawaddy Delta Division of Burma.
The cyclone, which had been estimated to reach up to km/h, reached Burma as a Category 4 hurricane. The three-year Cyclone Nargis relief and recovery operation is conducted by the Myanmar Red Cross Society with the support of the IFRC, and targeted , affected households in 13 townships.
In total, the operational area in these townships encompasses a land area of approximately 17, sq km. Download-Theses Mercredi 10 juin International aid for cyclone victims in Burma was deliberately blocked by the military regime, the first independent report into the disaster has found.
The junta's wilful disregard for the. UN News produces daily news content in Arabic, Chinese, English, French, Kiswahili, Portuguese, Russian and Spanish, and weekly programmes in Hindi, Urdu and Bangla. Our multimedia service, through this new integrated single platform, updates throughout the day, in text, audio and video – also making use of quality images and other media from across the UN system.